美国首席大法官演讲稿
A. 求一篇美国总统讲话的英文稿
First inaugural Address
(Franklin D. Roosevelt)
Mar. 4, 1933.
我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身
1933.3.4
富兰克林罗斯福
Brief introction to the speaker:
Franklin D. Roosevelt (1882-1945) Roosevelt became president in 1933. The United States was then in the grip of a world-wide business depression. Roosevelt used his powers to create jobs and to help those who needed helps. Many of Roosevelt's ideas of government are still part of the law of the land.
演讲者简介：
罗斯福在1933年成为总统。当时美国正陷于世界性的经济危机之中。罗斯福以他的能力为人民创造就业机会并带去援助。罗斯福的许事施政观点至今仍是美国治国方针的一部分。
This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my inction in the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impeIs. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly Nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today This great nation will enre as it has enred, will revive and will prosper So first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself - nameless, unreasoning, un justified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.
胡佛总统，首席法官先生，朋友们：
今天，对我们的国家来说，是一个神圣的日子。我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。现在正是坦白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻。我们不必畏首畏尾，不老老实实面对我国今天的情况。这个伟大的国家会一如既往地坚持下去，它会复兴和繁荣起来。因此，让我首先表明我的坚定信念：我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身--一种莫名其妙、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻，坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持，从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。我相信，在目前危急时刻，大家会再次给予同样的支持。
In such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen, government of all kinds is faced by serious curtaiIment of income, the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of instrial enterprise lie on every side, farmers find no markets for their proce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone.
我和你们都要以这种精神，来面对我们共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难只是物质方面的。价值难以想象地贬缩了；课税增加了；我们的支付能力下降了；各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺；交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结；工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见；农场主的产品找不到销路；千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。
More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
更重要的是，大批失业公民正面临严峻的生存问题，还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。
And yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plagUe of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and
were not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for Nature surrounds us with her bounty and human, efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
但是，我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫的灾害。我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可感到欣慰。大自然仍在给予我们恩惠，人类的努力已使之倍增。富足的情景近在咫尺，但就在我们见到这种 情景的时候，宽裕的生活却悄然离去。这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了，他们固执己见而又无能为力，因而已经认定失败了，并撒手不管了。贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径。将受到舆论法庭的起诉，将受到人类心灵理智的唾弃。
True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition. Faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money Stripped of the lure of profit by which they ince our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.
是的，他们是努力过，然而他们用的是一种完全过时的方法。面对信贷的失败，他们只是提议借出更多的钱。没有了当诱饵引诱 人民追随他们的错误领导的金钱，他们只得求助于讲道，含泪祈求人民重新给予他们信心。他们只知自我追求者们的处世规则。他们没有眼光，而没有眼光的人是要灭亡的。
Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civiIization. We may now restore that temp1e to the ancient truths. A measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.
如今，货币兑换商已从我们文明庙宇的高处落荒而逃。我们要以千古不变的真理来重建这座庙宇。衡量这重建的尺度是我们体现比金钱利益更高尚的社会价值的程度。
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.
幸福并不在于单纯地占有金钱；幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦，在于创造努力时的激情。务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励，而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些暗淡的时日能使我们认识到，我们真正的天命不是要别人侍奉，而是为自己和同胞们服务，那么，我们付出的代价就完全是值得的。
Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conct in banking and in business, which too of ten has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty on honon on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance. Without them it cannot live.
认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的，我们就会抛弃以地位尊严和个人收益为唯一标准，来衡量公职和高级政治地位的错误信念；我们必须制止银行界和企业界的一种行为，它常常使神圣的委托混同于无情和自私的不正当行为。难怪信心在减弱，信心，只有靠诚实、信誉、忠心维护和无私履行职责。而没有这些，就不可能有信心。
Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This nation is asking for action, and action now.
但是，复兴不仅仅只要改变伦理观念。这个国家要求行动起来，现在就行动起来。
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we take it wise1y and courageously It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.
我们最大、最基本的任务是让人民投入工作。只要我信行之以智慧和勇气，这个问题就可以解决。这可以部分由政府直接征募完成，就象对待临战的紧要关头一样，但同时，在有了人手的情况下，我们还急需能刺激并重组巨大自然资源的工程。
Hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our instrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.
我们齐心协力，但必须坦白地承认工业中心的人口失衡，我们必须在全国范围内重新分配，使土地在最适合的人手中发表挥更大作用。
Yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural proct and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically rece. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are of ten scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by mere1y talking about it. We must act, we must act quickly.
明确地为提高农产品价值并以此购买城市产品所做的努力，会有助于任务的完成。避免许多小家庭业、农场业被取消赎取抵押品的权利的悲剧也有助于任务的完成。联邦、州、各地政府立即行动回应要求降价的呼声，有助于任务的完成。将现在常常是分散不经济、不平等的救济活动统一起来有助于任务的完成。对所有公共交通运输，通讯及其他涉及公众生活的设施作全国性的计划及监督有助于任务的完成。许多事情都有助于任务完成，但这些决不包括空谈。我们必须行动，立即行动。
And finally in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people-s money; and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.
最后，为了重新开始工作，我们需要两手防御，来抗御旧秩序恶魔卷土从来；一定要有严格监督银行业、信贷及投资的机制：一定要杜绝投机；一定要有充足而健康的货币供应。
These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.
以上这些，朋友们，就是施政方针。我要在特别会议上敦促新国会给予详细实施方案，并且，我要向48个州请求立即的援助。
Through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order, and making income balance outflow Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.
通过行动，我们将予以我们自己一个有秩序的国家大厦，使收入大于支出。我们的国际贸易，虽然很重要，但现在在时间和必要性上，次于对本国健康经济的建立。我建议，作为可行的策略、首要事务先行。虽然我将不遗余力通过国际经济重新协调所来恢复国际贸易，但我认为国内的紧急情况无法等待这重新协调的完成。
The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the United States of America - a recognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery it is the immediate way it is the strongest assurance that recovery will enre.
指导这一特别的全国性复苏的基本思想并非狭隘的国家主义。我首先考虑的是坚持美国这一整体中各部分的相互依赖性--这是对美国式的开拓精神的古老而永恒的证明的体现。这才是复苏之路，是即时之路，是保证复苏功效持久之路。
In the field of world policy I would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor. The neighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because he does so, respects the rights of
others. The neighbor who respects his ob1igation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.
在国际政策方面，我将使美国采取睦邻友好的政策。做一个决心自重，因此而尊重邻国的国家。做一个履行义务，尊重与他国协约的国家。
If I read the temper of our people correctly we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well. That if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discip1ine, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. We are all ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a 1eadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offet we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of ty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.
如果我对人民的心情的了解正确的话，我想我们已认识到了我们从未认识的问题，我们是互相依存的，我们不可以只索取，我们还必须奉献。我们前进时，必须象一支训练有素的忠诚的军队，愿意为共同的原则而献身，因为，没有这些原则，就无法取得进步，领导就不可能得力。我们都已做好准备，并愿意为此原则献出生命和财产，因为这将使志在建设更美好社会的领导成为可能。我倡议，为了更伟大的目标，我们所有的人，以一致的职责紧紧团结起来。这是神圣的义务，非战乱，不停止。
With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems. Action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors. Our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen. It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.
有了这样的誓言，我将毫不犹豫地承担领导伟大人民大军的任务，致力于对我们普遍问题的强攻。这样的行动，这样的目标，在我们从祖先手中接过的政府中是可行的。我们的宪法如此简单，实在。它随时可以应付特殊情况，只需对重点和安排加以修改而不丧失中心思想，正因为如此，我们的宪法体制已自证为是最有适应性的政治体制。它已应付过巨大的国土扩张、外战、内乱及国际关系所带来的压力。
And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority wi1l be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for underlay action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procere.
而我们还希望行使法律的人士做到充分的平等，能充分地担负前所未有的任务。但现在前所未有的对紧急行动的需要要求国民暂时丢弃平常生活节奏，紧迫起来。
We face the arous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of ty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.
让我们正视面前的严峻岁月，怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气，怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识，怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。我们的目标是要保证国民生活的圆满和长治久安。
We do not distrust the future of essential democracy The people of the United States have not failed. In their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift, I take it.
我们并不怀疑基本民主制度的未来。合众国人民并没有失败。他们在困难中表达了自己的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行动。他们要求有领导的纪律和方向。他们现在选择了我作为实现他们的愿望的工具。我接受这份厚赠。
In this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the b1essings of God, may He protect each and every one of us, may He guide me in the days to come.
在此举国奉献之际，我们谦卑地请求上帝赐福。愿上帝保信我们大家和每一个人，愿上帝在未来的日子里指引我。
B. 特朗普今走马上任会做什么
特朗普今走马上任，美国正式迎来“特朗普时代”。2016年11月9日，原本不被看好的地产商人特朗普成功逆袭，成为美国第45任总统。今天，白宫将迎来新主人，“特朗普时代”的大幕正式拉开，然而对于特朗普而言，未来的路并不好走，因为接下来要面对的，是一个矛盾空前尖锐的美国。
C. 竞选美国总统演讲
2016年9月28日，美国总统超级大热门候选人——特朗普，发表了竞选演说。而这份演说不仅震惊了美国人，也震惊了中国人。因为特朗普演说下的美国，竟然是一个令大多数中国人感到陌生的美国，充满了腐败、贫富差距、权钱交易、数千万美国被贫困和疾病困扰，医疗昂贵且充满了何种苛捐杂税，以及严苛的审核制度。让我们一同来感受一下特朗普当时的竞选演说：
女士们，先生们：
今天在这里，在我们的党代会，不会有任何谎言。我们将用真相为美国人民送上敬意，而不是别的什么东西。这些事实如下：
数十年打击犯罪的成就如今正在本届政府领导下遭遇倒退。在美国最大的50座城市里，去年谋杀率上升了17%。这是25年来的最大增幅。在我们的首都，谋杀案甚至增加了50%；在其附近的巴尔的摩，这一数字更是上升了60%。
在奥巴马总统的家乡芝加哥；仅在今年，就有超过2000人死于枪击；而自他担任总统以来，这座城市更是有超过3600人死于非命。与去年同期相比，死于执法过程中的警员数量也差不多增加了50%。接近18万有案底的非法移民，本应从我们驱逐出境，如今却可以到处游荡，并威胁和平市民的安全。
那么，我们美国的经济情况又如何呢：再一次，我将向你们透露平实的事实，这些事实未经午夜新闻与各种晨报的矫饰：
10个黑人儿童当中就有4个生活在贫困中；与此同时，黑人的整体失业率高达58%。
奥巴马执政后，拉丁裔的贫困人群增加了2百万人；更有高达1400万人彻底丢掉了工作。
自2000年起，家庭收入更是猛降了4000美元。我们制造业的贸易赤字更是达到了新高——差不多每年有8000亿美元。财政情况也好不到哪里去。
奥巴马让我国的国债猛增了两倍，超过了19万亿美元，并且还在继续增长。但是，我们对此又做了些什么？我们的道路和大桥正在不断解体，我们的机场就仿佛第三世界国家一样，另有4300万美国人处在食物短缺状态。
我们再看看国外的情况：我们的公民不仅忍受着国内的灾难，而且还不断地在国际上遭到羞辱。我们都曾经记得，我们的水兵被迫在伊朗人枪口下下跪的情景。而这一幕恰好就发生在与伊朗签署和解协议的不久前。这份和解协议向伊朗返还了1500亿美元，却没有给予我们一分钱——时间将证明，这份协议将成为史上最糟。
另一项耻辱便是，奥巴马曾为叙利亚局势设置红线，但没有人把他当回事。在利比亚，我们的大使馆——作为美国全球地位的象征——却毁于熊熊烈火之中。就在奥巴马任命希拉里担任国务卿后，美国变得更加不安全了，而世界变得更加不稳定。
伊朗也正处在掌握核武器的道路上。叙利亚被卷入了内战与难民危机之中，而这场难民危机更是威胁到了西方国家。在中东地区长达15年的战乱后，在花费了亿万美元与成千上万生命陨落之后，局势却比以往更加糟糕。这就是希拉里•克林顿的政治遗产：死亡、毁灭与软弱。
在我们对手的竞选活动幕后，大企业、精英媒体和大赞助商正在排着长队——这种情况必须改变。每天早晨当我醒来的时候，都成千上万的人遭到忽视与抛弃，我感到需要愈发坚定地我在全国遇到的这些站出来说话。我拜访过废弃工厂的员工以及受到不公贸易协定打击的那些社区。他们就是被我们国家所遗忘的那群人。他们就是努力工作却无法发出声音的那群人。我就是你们的声音！
有一些政客把个人得失置于国家利益之上，有些母亲因此失去了自己的孩子，我曾经拥抱过这些痛哭流涕的母亲。我不能容忍不公，不能容忍政府的无能，无法同情那些辜负人们的领导人。因缺乏意愿或勇气，我们的政治体制无法坚定执法——甚至更糟的是，政治体制被大企业说客所收买，但无辜的人却因此而受罪。每当这样的时候，我都不能无视这样的事情。
当美国的一位前国务卿非法在私人服务器上储存其邮件，并删除了33000条记录以避免遭查处的时候，她正在让我们的国家陷入风险，而且还千方百计地抵赖和撒谎。我就知道，腐败已经到达了何种触目惊心的程度。
当联邦调查局局长声称，国务卿只不过是在处理机密文件这件事上“特别得不小心”。我也就知道了，她实际的所作所为与上述措辞相比不过只是冰山一角。这些言论不过是为了让她得以在严厉的刑罚面前脱罪。
事实上，她最大的一项成就莫过于犯下了这样重大的罪责后却得以成功逃脱——特别是在其中，有许多其他人付出惨重代价后。同样是这位国务卿，当她把亿万美元用于讨好特殊利益集团与国外势力的时候，我就知道，该是行动的时候了。
本届政府搞烂了美国的大城市、搞烂了教育，工作一团糟，简直就是在犯罪。无论从哪一个层面上说，他们都失败得彻彻底底。
当我成为总统，一定会保证所有的孩子被平等对待、被平等保护。每一次行动，我必反躬自省，它能够给巴尔的摩、芝加哥、底特律、弗格森的年轻人带来更好的生活吗？这些大城市的孩子和其他的美国孩子一样，都有平等的实现梦想的权利。要让美国更安全，我们必须解决日益严峻的外部威胁——挫败ISIS的野蛮人。再看看法国吧，那是残忍的穆斯林恐怖主义的受害者。
一周以前，在佛罗里达的奥兰多，49名出色的美国人被伊斯兰恐怖分子残忍地谋杀。这一次，恐怖分子瞄准的是LGBT社区（注同性恋社区）。我们必须有最好的情报，去联合整个世界共同行动。我们必须放弃希拉里在伊拉克、利比亚、埃及和叙利亚推行的那些业已失败的政治制度改革。我们必须同盟友共同努力，只要我们的盟友和我们有共同的目标：摧毁ISIS、踩灭伊斯兰恐怖行动。我们要同以色列合作，它是我们在该地区最好的盟友。
过去数十年的移民已经造成了本国国民的低薪与高失业率，尤其是非裔美国人和拉美裔工人。我们将有一个移民系统，一个为美国人服务的移民系统。周一，我们听过三位家长玛丽•安•门多萨（Mary Ann Mendoza）、萨宾•德登（Sabine Durden）和杰米尔•肖（Jamiel Shaw）的倾诉，他们的孩子被非法移民杀害。几位家长仅仅是万千受害者中三个勇敢的代表。当我的团队在全国游历，没有一件事情能对我产生更深的影响，只有那些我同失去孩子的父母们共同度过的时间。他们失去了孩子，因为在我们国土上肆虐的暴力。
这些家庭没有迫切地提出抗议，没有游行示威去保护他们的利益。因此，我的竞争对手将永远不会遇到他们，不会去分担他们的痛苦。相反，她更想去那些提供避难所的城市。然而，哪里是凯特•施泰因勒（Kate Steinle）的避难所？哪里是玛丽安，萨宾和杰米尔孩子们的避难所？哪里有避难所去保护那些被残忍杀害、忍受惊恐折磨的美国人？
这些受伤的美国家庭是孤独的。但是，他们将不再孤独。今晚，总统候选人和整个国家站在他们身后，支持他们，去传递他们的爱，以他们的荣誉起誓，我们将拯救更多的、无数的家庭，免遭同样可怕的命运。我们将建起巨大的边境墙，去阻挡非法移民，去阻挡黑帮与暴力，去阻挡毒品涌入我们的社区。我很荣幸，得到了美国边境巡逻队的支持，将与他们展开直接合作，共同保护我国合法移民体系的完整性。
今晚，我希望每一个需要移民安全但被拒绝，以及那些拒绝他们的政客，去仔细倾听我说的每一个字。2017年1月21日，在我宣誓就职的第二天，美国人将在一个本国法律被强制执行的国家醒来。我们将体谅和同情每个人。但是，我的同情仅付与我们自己的、努力奋斗的国民。我的计划同希拉里那些激进又危险的移民政策完全相反。美国人渴望从失控的移民中解脱，社区渴望着解脱。
我已经做了百亿美元的生意，现在我要让我们的国家更富裕，我要使糟糕的贸易协定变成了不起的。由于比尔•克林顿和希拉里•克林顿支持的灾难性的贸易协定，自从1997年，美国已经丢失了近三分之一的制造业岗位。记住，是比尔•克林顿签署了北美自由贸易协定，这个我们国家史上最糟糕的经济交易。决不能重演了！
我要把我们的工作带回俄亥俄、带回美国，我不会再让公司搬到其他国家，在这过程中不计后果地解雇员工。而另一方面，我的对手支持几乎每个摧毁我们的中产阶级的贸易协定。她支持北美自由贸易协定，支持中国加入WTO——这是她丈夫的另一个巨大错误。
她支持与韩国之间造成失业的贸易协定。她支持泛太平洋伙伴关系协定（TPP）。TPP不仅会摧毁我们的制造业，还会使美国服从于外国政府的裁决。我承诺永远不会签署任何会伤害我们的工人，或减少我们的自由和独立的贸易协定。我会代之以与个别国家达成私下的交易。我们不会再进行这些同许多国家的巨大交易，不会再有这些成千上万页没人阅读和理解的文件。我们将对所有违反贸易的行为强制处理，通过使用税收和关税，反对任何国家的欺骗。
这包括阻止中国无耻地窃取知识产权（编者话：中国老祖宗的四大发明你们用了几百年，给过我们一点报酬吗？美国博物馆里那么多中国的文物，是美国做强盗掠夺我们的，特朗普还有脸歪曲我们大中国？！），连同他们的非法产品倾销和毁灭性的汇率操纵。我们和中国与其他国家这些可怕的贸易协定，都将彻底重新谈判，包括重新谈判一个对美国有利得多的北美自由贸易协定——要是我们得不到我们想要的，我们就离开谈判桌。我们要把一切都推倒重来（编者话：特朗普包括美国的政客们，看到中国的亚投行、一带一路，心里很不是滋味吧！风水轮流转，该我们大中国复兴了！）。
接下来的改革是我们的税收法律、法规和能源规则。希拉里计划大规模增税，而我提出了今年所有参选的候选人之中——无论民主党或共和党——最大的减税计划。中等收入的美国人将得到深厚的救济，税收也将对每个人简化（编者话：美国已经19万亿的外债，再救济只能继续掠夺世界的财富，继续借外债。等到美国外债多得入不敷出了，就会像希腊面临的窘境——整个国家将破产）。
美国是世界上税率最高的国家之一。减税会导致新的公司和新的就业机会卷土重来。然后我们要处理监管问题，这是最大的就业杀手之一。过度监管每年花费了我们国家相当于2万亿美元，我们要终结它。我们要解除美国能源生产的限制，这在未来40年内，将产生超过20万亿美元的经济活动创造就业。
而另一方面，我的对手想让我们国家的矿业公司和钢铁工人失去工作——这是我当总统决不会发生的。在这些新经济政策下，数万亿美元将开始流入我们国家。这笔新财富将改善所有美国人的生活质量——我们将构建明天的公路、高速公路、桥梁、隧道、机场、铁路。反过来，这将创造数以百万计的就业机会。我们将拯救失败学校的孩子们，帮助他们的父母送他们到一个可以选择的安全学校。
比起为美国儿童服务，我的对手宁愿保护教育官僚。我们将废除并且取代奥巴马灾难性的医改，你将能重新自己选择你的医生。我们将搞定机场的运输安全局（注：TSA的机场安检造成超长排队，效率极低），我们将完全重建废弃的军事，那些我们付出巨大代价保护的国家，将被要求支付他们公平的分摊费。
我们将照顾我们伟大的退伍军人，以他们从来没有得到过的优厚方式。我的对手在还没有广泛传播时驳斥了弗吉尼亚州丑闻，这是她多么不了解的又一个迹象。我们想要问每一个政府部门主管提供一个浪费性支出项目的清单，在我就任的前100天我将消除它们。许多政治家已经谈论了这一点，我要完成这件事。我们还将任命将坚持我们的法律和宪法的美国最高法院大法官。
在我最小的年纪，因为他，我学会了尊重工作的尊严和劳动人民的尊严。他是一个都是砖瓦匠、木工和电工的公司里最舒心的人，我也记住了他们中的很多人。还有我的母亲，玛丽，她坚强，但也温暖和公正。她是一个真正伟大的母亲，她也是一个我所知道最诚实的和慈善的人，一个伟大法官的品质。我姐姐玛丽安妮和伊丽莎白，我弟弟罗伯特和我已故的哥哥弗雷德，我将永远给你们我的爱，你们对我是最特殊的，我爱我的生活。
但是现在，我唯一和排他的使命是为我们的国家去工作，去为你们工作。是时候实现美国人民的胜利。但要做到这点，我们必须摆脱过去的狭隘政治。美国竟是这样的一个国家：信徒、梦想家、奋斗者却被一群审查官、评论家和愤世嫉俗的人领导。
记住：所有那些告诉你们，你们不能拥有你们理想国家的那些人，就是那些告诉你们我今晚就不会站在这里的家伙。我们不能再依赖这些精英媒体和政治，他们为了操纵舆论会说任何东西。相反，我们必须选择相信美国。历史正在看着我们！
这是在等着看，我们是否会崛起，我们是否会向全世界展示美国仍然是自由、独立和强大的。我的对手要她的支持者背诵一个三字忠诚誓言。念作：“我站在她这边”（I’m With Her）。我选择背诵另一个承诺。我的誓言念作：“我站在你们这边——美国人民！我是你们的声音！
对每一个为他们的孩子梦想的父母，对每一个梦想他们的未来的孩子，我今晚要和你们说：我与你们，我会为你们战斗，我会为你们赢得胜利。今晚，对所有的美国人，在我们所有的城市和乡镇，我做出这个誓言：我们将让美国再次强大！我们将让美国再次骄傲！我们将让美国再次安全！我们将让美国再次伟大！
D. 求今年那个美国最高法院大法官在卡迪根中学的毕业典礼上的演讲英文原文，我不介意没有翻译
你好，很高兴为您解答：
中英文翻译
"通常，毕业典礼的演讲嘉宾都会祝你们好运并送上祝福。
但我不会这样做
让我来告诉你为什么。”
Now the commencement speakers will typically also wish you good luck and extend good wishes to you. I will not do that, and I’ll tell you why.
“在未来的很多年中，
我希望你被不公正地对待过，
唯有如此
你才真正懂得公正的价值。”
From time to time in the years to come, I hope you will be treated unfairly, so that you will come to know the value of justice.
“我希望你遭受背叛，
唯有如此
你才领悟到忠诚之重要。”
I hope that you will suffer betrayal because that will teach you the importance of loyalty.
“抱歉的说，
我会祝福你时常感到孤独，
唯有如此
你才不会把良朋益友视为人生中的理所当然。"
Sorry to say, but I hope you will be lonely from time to time so that you don’t take friends for granted.
“我祝福你人生旅途中时常运气不佳，
唯有如此
你才意识到概率和机遇在人生中扮演的角色，
进而理解你的成功并不完全是命中注定，
而别人的失败也不是天经地义。"
I wish you bad luck, again, from time to time so that you will be conscious of the role of chance in life and understand that your success is not completely deserved and that the failure of others is not completely deserved either.
“当你失败的时候，
时不时地，
我希望你的对手会因为你的失败而幸灾乐祸，
唯有如此
才能让你意识到有风度的竞争精神之重要。”
And when you lose, as you will from time to time, I hope every now and then, your opponent will gloat over your failure. It is a way for you to understand the importance of sportsmanship.
“我祝福你会被忽视，
唯有如此
你才会意识到倾听他人的重要性。”
I hope you’ll be ignored so you know the importance of listening to others,
“我祝福你遭受切肤之痛，
唯有如此
才能让你感同身受，从而对别人有同情的理解。”
and I hope you will have just enough pain to learn compassion.
“无论我怎么想，
这些都将在生命中必然发生。
而你能否从中获益，
取决于你是否能从你的不幸中领悟到想要传递给你的信息。”
Whether I wish these things or not, they’re going to happen.And whether you benefit from them or not will depend upon your ability to see the message in your misfortunes.
E. 奥巴马2013年就职演说的题目是什么
就职演讲：重申美国建国精神 强调人人平等
MR. OBAMA: Thank you. Thank you so much. Vice President Biden, Mr. Chief Justice, Members of the United States Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow citizens:
谢谢，非常感谢大家。拜登副总统、首席大法官先生、国会议员们、尊敬的各位嘉宾、亲爱的公民们。
Each time we gather to inaugurate a president, we bear witness to the enring strength of our Constitution. We affirm the promise of our democracy. We recall that what binds this nation together is not the colors of our skin or the tenets of our faith or the origins of our names. What makes us exceptional – what makes us American – is our allegiance to an idea, articulated in a declaration made more than two centuries ago:
每一次我们集会庆祝总统就职都是在见证美国宪法的持久力量。我们都是在肯定美国民主的承诺。我们重申，将这个国家紧密联系在一起的不是我们的肤色，也不是 我们信仰的教条，更不是我们名字的来源。让我们与众不同，让我们成为美国人的是我们对于一种理念的恪守。200多年前，这一理念在一篇宣言中被清晰阐述：
“We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.”
“我们认为下述真理是不言而喻的，人人生而平等。造物主赋予他们若干不可剥夺的权利，包括生存、自由和追求幸福的权利。”
Today we continue a never-ending journey, to bridge the meaning of those words with the realities of our time. For history tells us that while these truths may be self-evident, they have never been self-executing; that while freedom is a gift from God, it must be secured by His people here on Earth. The patriots of 1776 did not fight to replace the tyranny of a king with the privileges of a few or the rule of a mob. They gave to us a Republic, a government of, and by, and for the people, entrusting each generation to keep safe our founding creed.
今天，我们继续着这一未竟的征程，架起这些理念与我们时代现实之间的桥梁。因为历史告诉我们，即便这些真理是不言而喻的，它们也从来不会自动生效。因为虽 然自由是上帝赋予的礼物，但仍需要世间的子民去捍卫。1776年，美国的爱国先驱们不是只为了推翻国王的暴政而战，也不是为赢得少数人的特权，建立暴民的 统治。先驱们留给我们一个共和国，一个民有、民治、民享的政府。他们委托每一代美国人捍卫我们的建国信条。
For more than two hundred years, we have.
在过去的200多年里，我们做到了。
Through blood drawn by lash and blood drawn by sword, we learned that no union founded on the principles of liberty and equality could survive half-slave and half-free. We made ourselves anew, and vowed to move forward together.
从奴役的血腥枷锁和刀剑的血光厮杀中我们懂得了，建立在自由与平等原则之上的联邦不能永远维持半奴隶和半自由的状态。我们赢得了新生，誓言共同前进。
Together, we determined that a modern economy requires railroads and highways to speed travel and commerce; schools and colleges to train our workers。
我们共同努力，建立起现代的经济体系。架设铁路与高速公路，加速了旅行和商业交流。建立学校与大学，培训我们的工人。
Together, we discovered that a free market only thrives when there are rules to ensure competition and fair play.
我们一起发现，自由市场的繁荣只能建立在保障竞争与公平竞争的原则之上。
Together, we resolved that a great nation must care for the vulnerable, and protect its people from life’s worst hazards and misfortune.
我们共同决定让这个伟大的国家远离危险，保护她的人民不受生命威胁和不幸的侵扰。
Through it all, we have never relinquished our skepticism of central authority, nor have we succumbed to the fiction that all society’s ills can be cured through government alone. Our celebration of initiative and enterprise; our insistence on hard work and personal responsibility, these are constants in our character.
一路走来，我们从未放弃对集权的质疑。我们同样不屈服于这一谎言：一切的社会弊端都能够只靠政府来解决。我们对积极向上与奋发进取的赞扬，我们对努力工作与个人责任的坚持，这些都是美国精神的基本要义。
But we have always understood that when times change, so must we; that fidelity to our founding principles requires new responses to new challenges; that preserving our indivial freedoms ultimately requires collective action. For the American people can no more meet the demands of today’s world by acting alone than American soldiers could have met the forces of fascism or communism with muskets and militias. No single person can train all the math and science teachers we’ll need to equip our children for the future, or build the roads and networks and research labs that will bring new jobs and businesses to our shores. Now, more than ever, we must do these things together, as one nation, and one people.
我们也理解，时代在变化，我们同样需要变革。对建国精神的忠诚，需要我们肩负起新的责任，迎接新的挑战。保护我们的个人自由，最终需要所有人的共同努力。 因为美国人不能再独力迎接当今世界的挑战，正如美国士兵们不能再像先辈一样，用步枪和民兵同敌人(法西斯主义与共产主义)作战。一个人无法培训所有的数学 与科学老师，我们需要他们为了未来去教育孩子们。一个人无法建设道路、铺设网络、建立实验室来为国内带来新的工作岗位和商业机会。现在，与以往任何时候相比，我们都更需要团结合作。作为一个国家，一个民族团结起来。
This generation of Americans has been tested by crises that steeled our resolve and proved our resilience. A decade of war is now ending. An economic recovery has begun. America’s possibilities are limitless, for we possess all the qualities that this world without boundaries demands: youth and drive; diversity and openness; an endless capacity for risk and a gift for reinvention. My fellow Americans, we are made for this moment, and we will seize it – so long as we seize it together.
这一代美国人经历了危机的考验，经济危机坚定了我们的决心，证明了我们的恢复力。长达十年的战争正在结束，经济的复苏已经开始。美国的可能性是无限的，因 为我们拥有当今没有边界的世界所需要的所有品质：年轻与活力、多样性与开放、无穷的冒险精神以及创造的天赋才能。我亲爱的同胞们，我们正是为此刻而生，我 们更要在此刻团结一致，抓住当下的机会。
For we, the people, understand that our country cannot succeed when a shrinking few do very well and a growing many barely make it. We believe that America’s prosperity must rest upon the broad shoulders of a rising middle class. We know that America thrives when every person can find independence and pride in their work; when the wages of honest labor liberate families from the brink of hardship. We are true to our creed when a little girl born into the bleakest poverty knows that she has the same chance to succeed as anybody else, because she is an American, she is free, and she is equal, not just in the eyes of God but also in our own.
因为我们，美国人民，清楚如果只有不断萎缩的少数人群体获得成功，而大多数人不能成功，我们的国家就无法成功。我们相信，美国的繁荣必须建立在不断上升的 中产阶级的宽阔臂膀之上，我们知道美国的繁荣只有这样才能实现。只有当每个人都能找到工作中的自立与自豪时才能实现。只有当诚实劳动获得的薪水足够让家庭 摆脱困苦的悬崖时才能实现。我们忠诚于我们的事业，保证让一个出生于最贫穷环境中的小女孩都能知道，她有同其他所有人一样的成功机会。因为她是一个美国人，她是自由的、平等的。她的自由平等不仅由上帝来见证，更由我们亲手保护。
We understand that outworn programs are inadequate to the needs of our time. We must harness new ideas and technology to remake our government, revamp our tax code, reform our schools, and empower our citizens with the skills they need to work harder, learn more, and reach higher. But while the means will change, our purpose enres: a nation that rewards the effort and determination of every single American. That is what this moment requires. That is what will give real meaning to our creed.
我们知道，我们已然陈旧的程序不足以满足时代的需要。我们必须应用新理念和新技术重塑我们的政府，改进我们的税法，改革我们的学校，让我们的公民拥有他们 所需要的技能，更加努力地工作，学更多的知识，向更高处发展。这意味着变革，我们的目标是：国家可以奖励每个美国人的努力和果断。这是现在需要的。这将给我们的信条赋予真正的意义。
We, the people, still believe that every citizen deserves a basic measure of security and dignity. We must make the hard choices to rece the cost of health care and the size of our deficit. But we reject the belief that America must choose between caring for the generation that built this country and investing in the generation that will build its future. For we remember the lessons of our past, when twilight years were spent in poverty, and parents of a child with a disability had nowhere to turn. We do not believe that in this country, freedom is reserved for the lucky, or happiness for the few. We recognize that no matter how responsibly we live our lives, any one of us, at any time, may face a job loss, or a sudden illness, or a home swept away in a terrible storm. The commitments we make to each other – through Medicare, and Medicaid, and Social Security – these things do not sap our initiative; they strengthen us. They do not make us a nation of takers; they free us to take the risks that make this country great.
我们，人民，仍然认为，每个公民都应当获得基本的安全和尊严。我们必须做出艰难抉择，降低医疗成本，缩减赤字规模。但我们拒绝在照顾建设国家的这一代和投 资即将建设国家的下一代间做出选择。因为我们记得过去的教训：老年人的夕阳时光在贫困中度过，家有残障儿童的父母无处求助。我们相信，在这个国家，自由不 只是那些幸运儿的专属，或者说幸福只属于少数人。我们知道，不管我们怎样负责任地生活，我们任何人在任何时候都可能面临失业、突发疾病或住房被可怕的飓风 摧毁的风险。我们通过医疗保险、联邦医疗补助计划、社会保障项目向每个人做出承诺，这些不会让我们的创造力衰竭，而是会让我们更强大。这些不会让我们成为充满不劳而获者的国度，这些让我们敢于承担风险，让国家伟大。
F. 哪里有肯尼迪，罗斯福的演讲稿
我们唯一恐惧的就是恐惧本身
1933.3.4
富兰克林·罗斯福
(Franklin D. Roosevelt)
Mar. 4, 1933.
President Hoover Mister Chief Justice, my friends:
This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my inction in the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impeIs. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly Nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today This great nation will enre as it has enred, will revive and will prosper So first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself - nameless, unreasoning, un justified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.
In such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen, government of all kinds is faced by serious curtaiIment of income, the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of instrial enterprise lie on every side, farmers find no markets for their proce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone.
More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
And yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plagUe of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and
were not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for Nature surrounds us with her bounty and human, efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition. Faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money Stripped of the lure of profit by which they ince our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.
Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civiIization. We may now restore that temp1e to the ancient truths. A measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.
Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conct in banking and in business, which too of ten has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty on honon on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance. Without them it cannot live.
Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This nation is asking for action, and action now.
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we take it wise1y and courageously It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.
Hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our instrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.
Yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural proct and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically rece. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are of ten scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by mere1y talking about it. We must act, we must act quickly.
And finally in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people-s money; and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.
These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.
Through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order, and making income balance outflow Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.
The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the United States of America - a recognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery it is the immediate way it is the strongest assurance that recovery will enre.
In the field of world policy I would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor. The neighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because he does so, respects the rights of
others. The neighbor who respects his ob1igation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.
If I read the temper of our people correctly we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well. That if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discip1ine, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. We are all ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a 1eadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offet we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of ty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.
With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems. Action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors. Our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen. It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.
And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority wi1l be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for underlay action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procere.
We face the arous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of ty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.
We do not distrust the future of essential democracy The people of the United States have not failed. In their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift, I take it.
In this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the b1essings of God, may He protect each and every one of us, may He guide me in the days to come.
We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom. Symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning, signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you, and almighty God, the same solemn oath our forbears prescribed [3] nearly a century and three quarters ago.
The world is very different now, for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty, and all forms of human life. And yet, the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forbears fought are still at issue [4] around the globe. The belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth [5], from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage and unwilling to witness, or permit, the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today, at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well of ill, that we shall pay
any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and success of liberty. This much we pledge and more.
To those old allies, whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do, in a host of [6] cooperative ventures [7]. Divided there is little we can do. For we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split us asunder.
To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our words that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view, but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom, and to remember that in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe, struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
To our sister republics [8] south of our border, we offer a special pledge, to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress to assist free men and free governments in casting off [9] the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.
就职演讲
－－约翰·肯尼迪
今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。这象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开端；意味着延续也意味着变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们的先辈在170年前拟定的庄严誓言。
现在的世界已大不相同了。人类的巨手掌握着既能消灭人间的各种贫困，又能毁灭人间的各种生活的力量。但我们的先辈为之奋斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有着争论。这个信念就是人的权利并非来自国家的慷慨，而是来自上帝恩赐。
今天，我们不敢忘记我们是第一次革命的继承者。让我们的朋友和敌人同样听见我此时此地的讲话：火炬已经传给新一代美国人。这一代人在本世纪诞生，在战争中受过锻炼，在艰难困苦的和平时期受过陶冶，他们为我国悠久的传统感到自豪——他们不愿目睹或听任我国一向保证的、今天仍在国内外作出保证的人权渐趋毁灭。
让每个国家都知道——不论它希望我们繁荣还是希望我们衰落一为确保自由的存在和自由的胜利，我们将付出任何代价，承受任何负担，应付任何艰难，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敌人。 这些就是我们的保证——而且还有更多的保证。
对那些和我们有着共同文化和精神渊源的老盟友，我们保证待以诚实朋友那样的忠诚。我们如果团结一致，就能在许多合作事业中无往不胜：我们如果分歧对立，就会一事无成——因为我们不敢在争吵不休、四分五裂时迎接强大的挑战。
对那些我们欢迎其加入到自由行列中来的新国家，我们恪守我们的誓言：决不让一种更为残酷的暴政来取代一种消失的殖民统治。我们并不总是指望他们会支持我们的观点。但我们始终希望看到他们坚强地维护自己的自由——而且要记住，在历史上，凡愚蠢地狐假虎威者，终必葬身虎口。
对世界各地身居茅舍和乡村，为摆脱普遍贫困而斗争的人们，我们保证尽最大努力帮助他们自立，不管需要花多长时间——之所以这样做，并不是因为共产党可能正在这样做，也不是因为我们需要他们的选票，而是因为这样做是正确的。自由社会如果不能帮助众多的穷人，也就无法挽救少数富人。
对我国南面的姐妹共和国，我们提出一项特殊的保证——在争取进行的新同盟中，把我们善意的话变为善意的行动，帮助自由人们和自由的政府摆脱贫困的枷锁。但是，这种充满希望的和平革命决不可以成为敌对国家的牺牲品。我们要让所有邻国都知道，我们将和他们在一起，反对在美洲任何地区进行侵略和颠覆活动。让所有其他国家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家园的主人。 1961. 1. 20
G. 快，快，快，快，初一英语演讲稿范文40字2至3分钟急需
奥巴马就职演说全文：
MR. OBAMA: Thank you. Thank you so much. Vice President Biden, Mr. Chief Justice, Members of the United States Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow citizens:
谢谢，非常感谢大家。拜登副总统、首席大法官先生、国会议员们、尊敬的各位嘉宾、亲爱的公民们。
Each time we gather to inaugurate a president, we bear witness to the enring strength of our Constitution. We affirm the promise of our democracy. We recall that what binds this nation together is not the colors of our skin or the tenets of our faith or the origins of our names. What makes us exceptional – what makes us American – is our allegiance to an idea, articulated in a declaration made more than two centuries ago:
每一次我们集会庆祝总统就职都是在见证美国宪法的持久力量。我们都是在肯定美国民主的承诺。我们重申，将这个国家紧密联系在一起的不是我们的肤色，也不是 我们信仰的教条，更不是我们名字的来源。让我们与众不同，让我们成为美国人的是我们对于一种理念的恪守。200多年前，这一理念在一篇宣言中被清晰阐述：
“We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.”
“我们认为下述真理是不言而喻的，人人生而平等。造物主赋予他们若干不可剥夺的权利，包括生存、自由和追求幸福的权利。”
Today we continue a never-ending journey, to bridge the meaning of those words with the realities of our time. For history tells us that while these truths may be self-evident, they have never been self-executing; that while freedom is a gift from God, it must be secured by His people here on Earth. The patriots of 1776 did not fight to replace the tyranny of a king with the privileges of a few or the rule of a mob. They gave to us a Republic, a government of, and by, and for the people, entrusting each generation to keep safe our founding creed.
今天，我们继续着这一未竟的征程，架起这些理念与我们时代现实之间的桥梁。因为历史告诉我们，即便这些真理是不言而喻的，它们也从来不会自动生效。因为虽然自由是上帝赋予的礼物，但仍需要世间的子民去捍卫。1776年，美国的爱国先驱们不是只为了推翻国王的暴政而战，也不是为赢得少数人的特权，建立暴民的统治。先驱们留给我们一个共和国，一个民有、民治、民享的政府。他们委托每一代美国人捍卫我们的建国信条。
For more than two hundred years, we have.
在过去的200多年里，我们做到了。
Through blood drawn by lash and blood drawn by sword, we learned that no union founded on the principles of liberty and equality could survive half-slave and half-free. We made ourselves anew, and vowed to move forward together.
从奴役的血腥枷锁和刀剑的血光厮杀中我们懂得了，建立在自由与平等原则之上的联邦不能永远维持半奴隶和半自由的状态。我们赢得了新生，誓言共同前进。
Together, we determined that a modern economy requires railroads and highways to speed travel and commerce; schools and colleges to train our workers。
我们共同努力，建立起现代的经济体系。架设铁路与高速公路，加速了旅行和商业交流。建立学校与大学，培训我们的工人。
Together, we discovered that a free market only thrives when there are rules to ensure competition and fair play.
我们一起发现，自由市场的繁荣只能建立在保障竞争与公平竞争的原则之上。
Together, we resolved that a great nation must care for the vulnerable, and protect its people from life’s worst hazards and misfortune.
我们共同决定让这个伟大的国家远离危险，保护她的人民不受生命威胁和不幸的侵扰。
Through it all, we have never relinquished our skepticism of central authority, nor have we succumbed to the fiction that all society’s ills can be cured through government alone. Our celebration of initiative and enterprise; our insistence on hard work and personal responsibility, these are constants in our character.
一路走来，我们从未放弃对集权的质疑。我们同样不屈服于这一谎言：一切的社会弊端都能够只靠政府来解决。我们对积极向上与奋发进取的赞扬，我们对努力工作与个人责任的坚持，这些都是美国精神的基本要义。
But we have always understood that when times change, so must we; that fidelity to our founding principles requires new responses to new challenges; that preserving our indivial freedoms ultimately requires collective action. For the American people can no more meet the demands of today’s world by acting alone than American soldiers could have met the forces of fascism or communism with muskets and militias. No single person can train all the math and science teachers we’ll need to equip our children for the future, or build the roads and networks and research labs that will bring new jobs and businesses to our shores. Now, more than ever, we must do these things together, as one nation, and one people.
我们也理解，时代在变化，我们同样需要变革。对建国精神的忠诚，需要我们肩负起新的责任，迎接新的挑战。保护我们的个人自由，最终需要所有人的共同努力。 因为美国人不能再独力迎接当今世界的挑战，正如美国士兵们不能再像先辈一样，用步枪和民兵同敌人(法西斯主义与共产主义)作战。一个人无法培训所有的数学 与科学老师，我们需要他们为了未来去教育孩子们。一个人无法建设道路、铺设网络、建立实验室来为国内带来新的工作岗位和商业机会。现在，与以往任何时候相比，我们都更需要团结合作。作为一个国家，一个民族团结起来。
This generation of Americans has been tested by crises that steeled our resolve and proved our resilience. A decade of war is now ending. An economic recovery has begun. America’s possibilities are limitless, for we possess all the qualities that this world without boundaries demands: youth and drive; diversity and openness; an endless capacity for risk and a gift for reinvention. My fellow Americans, we are made for this moment, and we will seize it – so long as we seize it together.
这一代美国人经历了危机的考验，经济危机坚定了我们的决心，证明了我们的恢复力。长达十年的战争正在结束，经济的复苏已经开始。美国的可能性是无限的，因为我们拥有当今没有边界的世界所需要的所有品质：年轻与活力、多样性与开放、无穷的冒险精神以及创造的天赋才能。我亲爱的同胞们，我们正是为此刻而生，我们更要在此刻团结一致，抓住当下的机会。
For we, the people, understand that our country cannot succeed when a shrinking few do very well and a growing many barely make it. We believe that America’s prosperity must rest upon the broad shoulders of a rising middle class. We know that America thrives when every person can find independence and pride in their work; when the wages of honest labor liberate families from the brink of hardship. We are true to our creed when a little girl born into the bleakest poverty knows that she has the same chance to succeed as anybody else, because she is an American, she is free, and she is equal, not just in the eyes of God but also in our own.
因为我们，美国人民，清楚如果只有不断萎缩的少数人群体获得成功，而大多数人不能成功，我们的国家就无法成功。我们相信，美国的繁荣必须建立在不断上升的中产阶级的宽阔臂膀之上，我们知道美国的繁荣只有这样才能实现。只有当每个人都能找到工作中的自立与自豪时才能实现。只有当诚实劳动获得的薪水足够让家庭 摆脱困苦的悬崖时才能实现。我们忠诚于我们的事业，保证让一个出生于最贫穷环境中的小女孩都能知道，她有同其他所有人一样的成功机会。因为她是一个美国人，她是自由的、平等的。她的自由平等不仅由上帝来见证，更由我们亲手保护。
We understand that outworn programs are inadequate to the needs of our time. We must harness new ideas and technology to remake our government, revamp our tax code, reform our schools, and empower our citizens with the skills they need to work harder, learn more, and reach higher. But while the means will change, our purpose enres: a nation that rewards the effort and determination of every single American. That is what this moment requires. That is what will give real meaning to our creed.
我们知道，我们已然陈旧的程序不足以满足时代的需要。我们必须应用新理念和新技术重塑我们的政府，改进我们的税法，改革我们的学校，让我们的公民拥有他们所需要的技能，更加努力地工作，学更多的知识，向更高处发展。这意味着变革，我们的目标是：国家可以奖励每个美国人的努力和果断。这是现在需要的。这将给我们的信条赋予真正的意义。
We, the people, still believe that every citizen deserves a basic measure of security and dignity. We must make the hard choices to rece the cost of health care and the size of our deficit. But we reject the belief that America must choose between caring for the generation that built this country and investing in the generation that will build its future. For we remember the lessons of our past, when twilight years were spent in poverty, and parents of a child with a disability had nowhere to turn. We do not believe that in this country, freedom is reserved for the lucky, or happiness for the few. We recognize that no matter how responsibly we live our lives, any one of us, at any time, may face a job loss, or a sudden illness, or a home swept away in a terrible storm. The commitments we make to each other – through Medicare, and Medicaid, and Social Security – these things do not sap our initiative; they strengthen us. They do not make us a nation of takers; they free us to take the risks that make this country great.
我们，人民，仍然认为，每个公民都应当获得基本的安全和尊严。我们必须做出艰难抉择，降低医疗成本，缩减赤字规模。但我们拒绝在照顾建设国家的这一代和投 资即将建设国家的下一代间做出选择。因为我们记得过去的教训：老年人的夕阳时光在贫困中度过，家有残障儿童的父母无处求助。我们相信，在这个国家，自由不只是那些幸运儿的专属，或者说幸福只属于少数人。我们知道，不管我们怎样负责任地生活，我们任何人在任何时候都可能面临失业、突发疾病或住房被可怕的飓风摧毁的风险。我们通过医疗保险、联邦医疗补助计划、社会保障项目向每个人做出承诺，这些不会让我们的创造力衰竭，而是会让我们更强大。这些不会让我们成为充满不劳而获者的国度，这些让我们敢于承担风险，让国家伟大。
We, the people, still believe that our obligations as Americans are not just to ourselves, but to all posterity. We will respond to the threat of climate change, knowing that the failure to do so would betray our children and future generations. Some may still deny the overwhelming judgment of science, but none can avoid the devastating impact of raging fires, and crippling drought, and more powerful storms. The path towards sustainable energy sources will be long and sometimes difficult. But America cannot resist this transition; we must lead it. We cannot cede to other nations the technology that will power new jobs and new instries – we must claim its promise. That is how we will maintain our economic vitality and our national treasure – our forests and waterways; our croplands and snowcapped peaks. That is how we will preserve our planet, commanded to our care by God. That’s what will lend meaning to the creed our fathers once declared.
我们，人民，仍然相信，我们作为美国人的义务不只是对我们自己而言，还包括对子孙后代。我们将应对气候变化的威胁，认识到不采取措施应对气候变化就是对我 们的孩子和后代的背叛。一些人可能仍在否定科学界的压倒性判断，但没有人能够避免熊熊火灾、严重旱灾、更强力风暴带来的灾难性打击。通向可再生能源利用的 道路是漫长的，有时是困难的。但美国不能抵制这种趋势，我们必须引领这种趋势。我们不能把制造新就业机会和新行业的技术让给其他国家，我们必须明确这一承 诺。这是我们保持经济活力和国家财富（我们的森林和航道，我们的农田与雪峰）的方法。这将是我们保护我们星球的办法，上帝把这个星球托付给我们。这将给我们的建国之父们曾宣布的信条赋予意义。
We, the people, still believe that enring security and lasting peace do not require perpetual war. Our brave men and women in uniform, tempered by the flames of battle, are unmatched in skill and courage. Our citizens, seared by the memory of those we have lost, know too well the price that is paid for liberty. The knowledge of their sacrifice will keep us forever vigilant against those who would do us harm. But we are also heirs to those who won the peace and not just the war, who turned sworn enemies into the surest of friends, and we must carry those lessons into this time as well.
我们，人民，仍然相信持久的安全与和平，不需要持续的战争。我们勇敢的士兵经受了战火的考验，他们的技能和勇气是无可匹敌的。我们的公民依然铭记着那些阵亡者，他们非常清楚我们为自由付出的代价。明白他们的牺牲将让我们永远对那些试图伤害我们的势力保持警惕。但我们也是那些赢得和平而不只是战争的人们的后 代，他们将仇敌转变成最可靠的朋友，我们也必须把这些经验带到这个时代。
We will defend our people and uphold our values through strength of arms and rule of law. We will show the courage to try and resolve our differences with other nations peacefully – not because we are naïve about the dangers we face, but because engagement can more rably lift suspicion and fear. America will remain the anchor of strong alliances in every corner of the globe; and we will renew those institutions that extend our capacity to manage crisis abroad, for no one has a greater stake in a peaceful world than its most powerful nation. We will support democracy from Asia to Africa; from the Americas to the Middle East, because our interests and our conscience compel us to act on behalf of those who long for freedom. And we must be a source of hope to the poor, the sick, the marginalized, the victims of prejudice – not out of mere charity, but because peace in our time requires the constant advance of those principles that our common creed describes: tolerance and opportunity; human dignity and justice.
我们将通过强大的军力和法制保护我们的人民，捍卫我们的价值观。我们将展现试图和平解决与其它国家分歧的勇气，但这不是因为我们对面临的危险持幼稚的态 度，而是因为接触能够更持久地化解疑虑和恐惧。美国将在全球保持强大的联盟，我们将更新这些能扩展我们应对海外危机能力的机制。因为作为世界上最强大的国家，我们在世界和平方面拥有最大的利益。我们将支持从亚洲到非洲、从美洲至中东的民主国家，因为我们的利益和良心驱使我们代表那些想获得自由的人们采取行 动。我们必须成为贫困者、病患者、被边缘化的人士、异见受害者的希望来源，不仅仅是出于慈善，也是因为这个时代的和平需要不断推进我们共同信念中的原则： 宽容和机遇，人类尊严与正义。
We, the people, declare today that the most evident of truths – that all of us are created equal – is the star that guides us still; just as it guided our forebears through Seneca Falls, and Selma, and Stonewall; just as it guided all those men and women, sung and unsung, who left footprints along this great Mall, to hear a preacher say that we cannot walk alone; to hear a King proclaim that our indivial freedom is inextricably bound to the freedom of every soul on Earth.
我们，人民，今天昭示的最明白的事实是——我们所有人都是生而平等的，这是依然引领我们的恒星。它引领我们的先辈穿越纽约塞尼卡瀑布城（女权抗议事件）、 塞尔马（黑人权力事件）和石墙骚乱（同性恋与警察发生的暴力事件），引领着所有的男性和女性，留下姓名和没留姓名的人。在伟大的征程中，一路上留下足迹的 人。曾经听一位牧师说，我们不能独自前行。马丁-路德-金说，我们个人的自由与地球上每个灵魂的自由不可分割。
It is now our generation’s task to carry on what those pioneers began. For our journey is not complete until our wives, our mothers, and daughters can earn a living equal to their efforts. Our journey is not complete until our gay brothers and sisters are treated like anyone else under the law – for if we are truly created equal, then surely the love we commit to one another must be equal as well. Our journey is not complete until no citizen is forced to wait for hours to exercise the right to vote. Our journey is not complete until we find a better way to welcome the striving, hopeful immigrants who still see America as a land of opportunity; until bright young students and engineers are enlisted in our workforce rather than expelled from our country. Our journey is not complete until all our children, from the streets of Detroit to the hills of Appalachia to the quiet lanes of Newtown, know that they are cared for, and cherished, and always safe from harm.
继续先辈开创的事业是我们这代人的任务。直到我们的妻子、母亲和女儿的付出能够与她们的努力相称，我们的征途才会结束。我们的征途不会终结，我们要让同性恋的兄弟姐妹在法律之下得到与其他人同样的待遇。如果我们真正是生而平等的，那么我们对彼此的爱也应该是平等的。我们的征途没有结束，直到没有公民需要等待数个小时去行使投票权。我们的征途不会结束，直到我们找到更好的方法迎接努力、有憧憬的移民，他们依旧视美国是一块充满机会的土地。直到聪颖年轻的学生 和工程师为我们所用，而不是被逐出美国。我们的征途不会结束，直到我们所有的儿童，从底特律的街道到阿巴拉契亚的山岭，再到康涅狄格州纽镇安静的小巷，直到他们得到关心和珍视，永远避免受到伤害。
That is our generation’s task – to make these words, these rights, these values – of Life, and Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness – real for every American. Being true to our founding documents does not require us to agree on every contour of life; it does not mean we will all define liberty in exactly the same way, or follow the same precise path to happiness. Progress does not compel us to settle centuries-long debates about the role of government for all time – but it does require us to act in our time.
那是我们这一代的任务——让生存、自由和追求幸福的言语、权力和价值切实体现在每个美国人的身上。我们的立国根本没有要求我们将每个人的生活一致化。这并不意味着，我们会以完全一样的方式去定义自由，沿着同样的道路通向幸福。进步不会终止几个世纪以来一直纠结的关于政府角色的争论，但这要求我们现在就采取行动。
For now decisions are upon us, and we cannot afford delay. We cannot mistake absolutism for principle, or substitute spectacle for politics, or treat name-calling as reasoned debate. We must act, knowing that our work will be imperfect. We must act, knowing that today’s victories will be only partial, and that it will be up to those who stand here in four years, and forty years, and four hundred years hence to advance the timeless spirit once conferred to us in a spare Philadelphia hall.
目前是由我们决策，我们不能拖延。我们不能将绝对主义当作原则，或者以表象代替政治，或将中伤视作理性的辩论。我们必须行动，要意识到我们的工作并不完美。我们必须行动，意识到今天的胜利是并不完全的。这些将有赖于未来4年、40年或是400年致力于这项事业的人，去推进当年在费城制宪会议大厅传承给我们的永恒精神。
My fellow Americans, the oath I have sworn before you today, like the one recited by others who serve in this Capitol, was an oath to God and country, not party or faction – and we must faithfully execute that pledge ring the ration of our service. But the words I spoke today are not so different from the oath that is taken each time a soldier signs up for ty, or an immigrant realizes her dream. My oath is not so different from the pledge we all make to the flag that waves above and that fills our hearts with pride.
我的美国同胞，我今天在你们面前宣读的誓词，如同在国会山服务的其他人曾宣读过的誓词一样，是对上帝和国家的誓词，不是对党派或是派别的，我们必须在任期 内忠实地履行这些承诺。但我今天宣读的誓词与士兵报名参军或者是移民实现梦想时所宣读的誓词没有多少差别。我的誓词与我们所有的人向我们头顶飘扬的、让我们心怀自豪的国旗所表达的誓言没有多大差别。
They are the words of citizens, and they represent our greatest hope.
这些是公民的誓词，代表着我们最伟大的希望。
You and I, as citizens, have the power to set this country’s course.
你和我，作为公民，都有为这个国家设定道路的权力。
You and I, as citizens, have the obligation to shape the debates of our time – not only with the votes we cast, but with the voices we lift in defense of our most ancient values and enring ideals.
你和我，作为公民，有义务塑造我们时代的辩题，不仅是通过我们的选票，而且要为捍卫悠久的价值观和持久的理想发声。
Let each of us now embrace, with solemn ty and awesome joy, what is our lasting birthright. With common effort and common purpose, with passion and dedication, let us answer the call of history, and carry into an uncertain future that precious light of freedom.
现在让我们相互拥抱，怀着庄严的职责和无比的快乐，这是我们永恒的与生俱来的权利。有共同的努力和共同的目标，用热情与奉献，让我们回应历史的召唤，将珍贵的自由之光带入并不确定的未来。
Thank you, God Bless you, and may He forever bless these United States of America.
感谢你们，上帝保佑你们，愿上帝永远保佑美利坚合众国。
H. 美国法官毕业演讲上灌＂毒鸡汤＂
约翰·罗伯茨领养了一儿一女，在儿子的初中毕业典礼上致辞，同时赠送每个毕业生由大法官签名的宪法，令人回味！并说“人们唯有遭遇不公时，才知道公正的价值”，约翰·罗伯茨大法官，在他儿子初中毕业典礼上的致辞，引起美国社交平台上刷屏并讨论。
演讲词：
"通常，毕业典礼的演讲嘉宾都会祝你们好运并送上祝福。但我不会这样做，让我来告诉你为什么。”“在未来的很多年中，我希望你被不公正地对待过，唯有如此，你才真正懂得公正的价值。”“我希望你遭受背叛，唯有如此你才领悟到忠诚之重要。”“抱歉的说，我会祝福你时常感到孤独，唯有如此你才不会把良朋益友视为人生中的理所当然。"
“我祝福你人生旅途中时常运气不佳，唯有如此你才意识到概率和机遇在人生中扮演的角色，进而理解你的成功并不完全是命中注定，而别人的失败也不是天经地义。"
“当你失败的时候，时不时地，我希望你的对手会因为你的失败而幸灾乐祸，唯有如此才能让你意识到有风度的竞争精神之重要。”
“我祝福你会被忽视，唯有如此，你才会意识到倾听他人的重要性。”“我祝福你遭受切肤之痛，唯有如此，才能让你感同身受，从而对别人有同情的理解。”
I. 罗斯福的演讲
富兰克林．罗斯福就职演讲：四大自由
第三种人 @ 2005-04-21 00:08
世界大战在一九一四年骤然爆发的时候，这场战争对我们美国本身的前途似乎仅有轻微的威胁。但是，随着时间的推移，美国人民开始体会到各民主国家的沦陷对我们美国的民主制度会意味着什么。
我们无须过分强调凡尔赛和约的缺陷。我们也无须反复谈论各民主国家处理世界性破坏问题的失效。我们应该记住，一九一九年的和约与早在慕尼黑会议以前就开始的「和解」（facification）相比，其不公正的程度要小得多；而在那力图向世界各大洲扩展的暴政新秩序下，这种「和解」仍在延续着。美国人民坚定不移地反对那种暴政。
每一个现实主义者都知道，民主的生活方式目前正在世界各地遭到直接的进攻－－或者是武力的进攻，或者是秘密散布的恶毒宣传的进攻。散布这种宣传的是那些企图在仍然维持着和平的国家中破坏团结挑起不和的人。十六个月来，这种进攻已在数目惊人的一批大小独立国家中毁掉了整个民主生活的方式。进攻者仍在步步进逼，威胁着大大小小的其它国家。
……作为你们的总统，执行宪法加诸于我的「向国会报导联邦情况」的责任，我认为必须向你们报告，我们国家和我们民主政治的前途与安全，已经和远离我们国境的许多事件不可抗拒地牵连在一起了。
以武力保卫民主生存的战争，现正在四大洲英勇地进行。倘若这场保卫战失败，所有在欧洲、亚洲、 非洲和澳洲的人口和一切资源，均将为征服者所控制。这些人口和资源合计起来，远超过整个西半球的全部人口和资源的总数－－超过很多倍……
任何现实的美国人都不能期望从一个独裁者的和平中获得国际上的宽容，或真正独立的恢复，或世界性裁军，或言论自由， 或宗教信仰自由，或者甚至公平的贸易。这样的和平决不会给我们或者我们的邻国带来任何安全。「那些宁愿放弃基本自由以求一时安全的人；既不该享有自由，也不该得到安全。……
我最近曾指出，现代战争可以多么迅速地将武器攻击带到我们的身旁，如果独裁国家打赢这场战争，我们就必须预计到这种攻击的到来……
当务之急是，我们的行动和我们的政策都应首先针对(几乎是专门针对)如何对付这种来自国外的危险，因为我们所有的国内问题现在都已成为这一逼近眉睫的问题的一个部分。正如在国内事务上，我们的国策是以尊重国门以内所有同胞的权利和尊严的基础，在外交事务上，我们的国策也以尊重所有大小国家的权利与尊严为依归。道德的公正原则最后将会并且也必然会获得胜利。
我们的国策是：
第一，在明确表达公众意愿以及排除党派偏见的情况下，我们致力于全面的国防。
第二，在明确表达公众意愿以及排除党派偏见的情况下，我们决定对于任何地方反抗侵略致使战火没有燃到我们西半球来的所有英勇民族，予以全力支持。我们用这种支持，来表示我们对民主事业必胜的决心；我们要加强我国本身的防御和安全。
第三，在明确表达公众意愿以及排除党派偏见的情况下，我们决定声明，道德的基本原则和我们对本身安全的考虑，将永不容许我们默认由侵略者所支配和「和解」主义者所赞许的和平。我们知道，持久和平是不能以他人的自由为代价买来的……
新情况不断为我们的安全带来新的需要。我将要求国会大量增加新的拨款并授权继续进行我们已开始的工作。
我也要求本届国会授予足够的权力与经费，以便制造多种多样的额外军需品与战争装备，供给那些现已与侵略国实际作战的国家。
我们最有效和最直接的任务，是充当他们和我们自己的兵工厂。他们不需人力，他们所需的是价值以十亿美元计的防卫武器。 用不了多久，他们将无力用现款偿付这些防御武器。我们不能也不会只因为他们无力偿付我们知道他们必须拥有的武器，便告诉他们必须投降。
我不会建议由我们贷款给他们，再由他们用该款支付购买武器的费用－－一种需用现金偿还的贷款。
我建议由我们设法使那些国家继续从美国取得作战物资，并使他们的定单与我们自己的计划配合起来。一旦时刻到来，他们的几乎全部军用物资都会有利于我们自己的防卫。
根据富有经验的陆海军权威的建议，并且考虑到什么是最有利于我们自身安全，我们可以自由地决定应该在国内保留多少， 应该运给我们的外国朋友多少。他们坚定英勇抗敌，使我们赢得时间为我们自己的防卫作准备。
让我们对民主国家申明：「我们美国人极为关怀你们保卫自由的战争。我们正使用我们的实力、我们的资源和我们的组织力量，使你们有能力恢复和维系一个自由的世界。我们会给你们送来数量日增的舰艇、飞机、坦克和大炮。这是我们的目标，也是我们的誓言。为了实现这个目标，我们不会因独裁者的威胁而退缩不前，这些人认为我们对那些胆敢抵抗他们侵略的民主国家进行支持，是违犯国际公法，是战争行为……
未来几代美国人的幸福，可能要看我们如何有效而迅速地使我们的支持产生影响而定。没有人知道，我们要面对的紧急处境是属于怎样一种性质。在国家命脉临危的时候，国家的双手绝对不能受缚。我们全体都必须准备为那种和战争本身一样严重的非常时期的要求，作出牺牲。任何阻碍迅速而有效地进行防卫准备的事，都必须为国家的需要让路……
如同人们并非单靠面包生活一样，他们也并非单靠武器来作战。那些坚守我们防御工事的人以及在他们后面建立防御工事的人必须具有耐力和勇气，而所有这些均来自对他们正在保卫的生活方式所抱的不可动摇的信念。我们所号召的伟大行动，是不可能以忽视所有值得奋斗的东西为基础的。
美国民主生活的保持是与个人利害攸关的，举国上下，对于促使人民明白这一点而做的种种事情，都非常满意，并且从中汲取了巨大力量。那些事情使我们人民的气质坚强起来，重建了他们的信心，也加强了他们对大家准备保卫的各种制度的忠诚。当然，现在并非停止考虑各种社会和经济问题的时候，这些问题都是社会革命的根本原因，而这种革命则是今天世界的一个主要因素。
一个健全巩固的民主政治的基础并不神秘。我们人民对政治和经济制度所抱的基本期望十分简单。它们是：给青年和其它人以均等机会；给能工作的人以工作；给需要保障的人以保障；终止少数人享有的特权；保护所有人的公民自由权；在生活水平更普遍和不断提高的情况下，享受科学进步的成果。
在我们这个混乱和极端复杂的现代世界中，这些是决不应忽视的简单而基本的事项。我们的各种经济和政治体制的内在和持久的力量，取决于它们满足这些期望的程度。
有不少与我们社会经济有关的事项，需要立即改善。例如：我们应当使更多的公民得到老年退休金和失业保险的保障。我们应当扩大那种使人们得到充分医疗照顾的机会。我们应当制订一套更好的制度，使那些应当并需要获得有薪职业的人们能够就业。
我曾经号召大家作个人的牺牲。我已得到保证，几乎每个美国人都心甘情愿响应我这个号召……
在我们力求安定的未来的岁月里，我们期待一个建立在四项人类基本自由之上的世界。
第一是在全世界任何地方发表言论和表达意见的自由。
第二是在全世界任何地方，人人有以自己的方式来崇拜上帝的自由。
第三是不虞匮乏的自由－－这种自由，就世界范围来讲，就是一种经济上的融洽关系，它将保证全世界每一个国家的居民都过健全的、和平时期的生活。
第四是免除恐惧的自由－－这种自由，就世界范围来讲，就是世界性的裁减军备，要以一种彻底的方法把它裁减到这样的程度：务使世界上没有一个国家有能力向全世界任何地区的任何邻国进行武力侵略。
这并不是对一个渺茫的黄金时代的憧憬，而是我们这个时代和我们这一代人可以实现的一种世界的坚实基础，这种世界，和独裁者想用炸弹爆炸来制造的所谓「新秩序」的暴政，是截然相反的。
对于他们那个新秩序，我们是以一种伟大的观念－－道德秩序来与之相对抗的。一个优越的社会，是可以同样毫无畏惧地面对各种征服世界和在国外制造革命的阴谋的。
自美国有史以来，我们一直在从事改革－－一种永久性的和平革命－－一种连续不断而静悄悄地适应环境变化的革命－－并不需要任何集中营或万人冢。我们所追求的世界秩序，是自由国家间的合作，以及在友好、文明的社会里共同努力。
这个国家，已把它的命运交到它千百万自由男女的手里，脑里和心里；把它对于自由的信仰交由上帝指引。自由意味着在任何地方人权都是至高无上的。
凡是为了取得或保持这种权利而斗争的人，我们都予以支持。我们的力量来自我们的目标一致。
为了实现这一崇高的观念，我们是不获全胜绝不休止的。
罗斯福就职演讲
来源: 时间:2005-09-18
胡佛总统，首席法官先生，朋友们：
今天，对我们的国家来说，是一个神圣的日子。我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。现在正是坦白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻。我们不必畏首畏尾，不老老实实面对我国今天的情况。这个伟大的国家会一如既往地坚持下去，它会复兴和繁荣起来。因此，让我首先表明我的坚定信念：我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身--一种莫名其妙、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻，坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持，从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。我相信，在目前危急时刻，大家会再次给予同样的支持。
我和你们都要以这种精神，来面对我们共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难只是物质方面的。价值难以想象地贬缩了；课税增加了；我们的支付能力下降了；各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺；交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结；工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见；农场主的产品找不到销路；千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。
更重要的是，大批失业公民正面临严峻的生存问题，还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。
但是，我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫的灾害。我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可感到欣慰。大自然仍在给予我们恩惠，人类的努力已使之倍增。富足的情景近在咫尺，但就在我们见到这种 情景的时候，宽裕的生活却悄然离去。这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了，他们固执己见而又无能为力，因而已经认定失败了，并撒手不管了。贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径。将受到舆论法庭的起诉，将受到人类心灵理智的唾弃。
是的，他们是努力过，然而他们用的是一种完全过时的方法。面对信贷的失败，他们只是提议借出更多的钱。没有了当诱饵引诱 人民追随他们的错误领导的金钱，他们只得求助于讲道，含泪祈求人民重新给予他们信心。他们只知自我追求者们的处世规则。他们没有眼光，而没有眼光的人是要灭亡的。
如今，货币兑换商已从我们文明庙宇的高处落荒而逃。我们要以千古不变的真理来重建这座庙宇。衡量这重建的尺度是我们体现比金钱利益更高尚的社会价值的程度。
幸福并不在于单纯地占有金钱；幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦，在于创造努力时的激情。务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励，而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些暗淡的时日能使我们认识到，我们真正的天命不是要别人侍奉，而是为自己和同胞们服务，那么，我们付出的代价就完全是值得的。
认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的，我们就会抛弃以地位尊严和个人收益为唯一标准，来衡量公职和高级政治地位的错误信念；我们必须制止银行界和企业界的一种行为，它常常使神圣的委托混同于无情和自私的不正当行为。难怪信心在减弱，信心，只有靠诚实、信誉、忠心维护和无私履行职责。而没有这些，就不可能有信心。
但是，复兴不仅仅只要改变伦理观念。这个国家要求行动起来，现在就行动起来。
我们最大、最基本的任务是让人民投入工作。只要我信行之以智慧和勇气，这个问题就可以解决。这可以部分由政府直接征募完成，就象对待临战的紧要关头一样，但同时，在有了人手的情况下，我们还急需能刺激并重组巨大自然资源的工程。
我们齐心协力，但必须坦白地承认工业中心的人口失衡，我们必须在全国范围内重新分配，使土地在最适合的人手中发表挥更大作用。
明确地为提高农产品价值并以此购买城市产品所做的努力，会有助于任务的完成。避免许多小家庭业、农场业被取消赎取抵押品的权利的悲剧也有助于任务的完成。联邦、州、各地政府立即行动回应要求降价的呼声，有助于任务的完成。将现在常常是分散不经济、不平等的救济活动统一起来有助于任务的完成。对所有公共交通运输，通讯及其他涉及公众生活的设施作全国性的计划及监督有助于任务的完成。许多事情都有助于任务完成，但这些决不包括空谈。我们必须行动，立即行动。
最后，为了重新开始工作，我们需要两手防御，来抗御旧秩序恶魔卷土从来；一定要有严格监督银行业、信贷及投资的机制：一定要杜绝投机；一定要有充足而健康的货币供应。
以上这些，朋友们，就是施政方针。我要在特别会议上敦促新国会给予详细实施方案，并且，我要向18个州请求立即的援助。
通过行动，我们将予以我们自己一个有秩序的国家大厦，使收入大于支出。我们的国际贸易，虽然很重要，但现在在时间和必要性上，次于对本国健康经济的建立。我建议，作为可行的策略、首要事务先行。虽然我将不遗余力通过国际经济重新协调所来恢复国际贸易，但我认为国内的紧急情况无法等待这重新协调的完成。
指导这一特别的全国性复苏的基本思想并非狭隘的国家主义。我首先考虑的是坚持美国这一整体中各部分的相互依赖性--这是对美国式的开拓精神的古老而永恒的证明的体现。这才是复苏之路，是即时之路，是保证复苏功效持久之路。
在国际政策方面，我将使美国采取睦邻友好的政策。做一个决心自重，因此而尊重邻国的国家。做一个履行义务，尊重与他国协约的国家。
如果我对人民的心情的了解正确的话，我想我们已认识到了我们从未认识的问题，我们是互相依存的，我们不可以只索取，我们还必须奉献。我们前进时，必须象一支训练有素的忠诚的军队，愿意为共同的原则而献身，因为，没有这些原则，就无法取得进步，领导就不可能得力。我们都已做好准备，并愿意为此原则献出生命和财产，因为这将使志在建设更美好社会的领导成为可能。我倡议，为了更伟大的目标，我们所有的人，以一致的职责紧紧团结起来。这是神圣的义务，非战乱，不停止。
有了这样的誓言，我将毫不犹豫地承担领导伟大人民大军的任务，致力于对我们普遍问题的强攻。这样的行动，这样的目标，在我们从祖先手中接过的政府中是可行的。我们的宪法如此简单，实在。它随时可以应付特殊情况，只需对重点和安排加以修改而不丧失中心思想，正因为如此，我们的宪法体制已自证为是最有适应性的政治体制。它已应付过巨大的国土扩张、外战、内乱及国际关系所带来的压力。
而我们还希望行使法律的人士做到充分的平等，能充分地担负前所未有的任务。但现在前所未有的对紧急行动的需要要求国民暂时丢弃平常生活节奏，紧迫起来。
让我们正视面前的严峻岁月，怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气，怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识，怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。我们的目标是要保证国民生活的圆满和长治久安。
我们并不怀疑基本民主制度的未来。合众国人民并没有失败。他们在困难中表达了自己的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行动。他们要求有领导的纪律和方向。他们现在选择了我作为实现他们的愿望的工具。我接受这份厚赠。
J. 今年的美国总统就职典礼有何特别之处
总统就职典礼是当选总统正式就任总统、开始任期的标志，两百多年来，已经逐渐形成了特定的程序。就职典礼日当天，当选总统要参加晨祷仪式、宣誓就职、就职演说等项目，之后还会举办就职午餐会、就职舞会等活动。
1933年通过的美国宪法第20条修正案规定，美国每一位当选总统的任期始于大选翌年1月20日正午。在此之前，从1793年至1933年，美国总统的宣誓就职日为3月4日。美国第一届总统乔治·华盛顿的就职典礼于1789年4月30日举行。
演讲稿由川普亲自撰写
据美国有线电视新闻网（CNN）报道，川普告诉他的朋友称，他将亲自撰写就职演说的演讲稿，并称这是受到两位已故前总统里根和肯尼迪的鼓舞。
川普还表示，里根的风格和肯尼迪对于国家雄心的那种清晰表达，对于他准备自己的演讲至关重要。川普的传记作者、总统历史学家道格拉斯·布林克利（Douglas Brinkley）表示，川普想亲自撰写就职演说稿，从（去年）12月29日就开始动手写，并且这会是一份简短的演说稿，“因为他不想让来宾站在寒风中太久”。
新任总统一般利用发表就职演说的机会向美国人民阐述本届政府的政纲和目标。对于就职演说的长短而言，并无一定之规。1793年3月4日，乔治·华盛顿发表的第二次就职演说仅135个字。1841年3月4日，威廉·哈里森发表的就职演说长达8445字。
三任前总统将出席典礼 希拉里也参加
据悉，此次典礼将有三任前总统出席。前总统克林顿与其妻子、2016美国总统参选人的希拉里将参加川普就职典礼。此外，前总统小布什和夫人劳拉也确定将出现就职典礼。前总统吉米·卡特夜明确表示将出席典礼。不过，已经92岁高龄的前总统老布什因为身体原因，将不会出席。
礼俗上，历任总统不分党派大多会参加新任总统的就职典礼，但曾是第一夫人的希拉里因为也是川普的竞争对手，加上赢得普选票却失了选举人票而痛失总统宝座让场面显得尴尬。
而即将离职的奥巴马，在2009年就任时，所有四位在世的前总统均出席典礼。不过，13年奥巴马获得连任时，布什父子则以老布什的身体原因为由缺席。
总统宣誓就职总统宣誓就职的仪式通常由最高法院首席大法官主持。美国《宪法》第2条第1款规定总统宣誓就职的誓词如下："我谨庄严宣誓(或郑重声明)，我一定忠实执行合众国总统职务，竭尽全力，恪守、维护和捍卫合众国宪法。"
EB-5投资移民机会与挑战并存
川普赢得大选，其对移民问题的态度影响着移民政策。自参选以来，川普对移民政策问题一直立场强硬。不过，分析认为，其主要针对的是非法移民，对于合法移民来说，或许有积极影响。一大批非法移民被驱逐，有人走，自然需要有人来，合法移民渠道将迎来良机。
另有分析称，川普支持合法移民的姿态是明确的，其上台对已为美国经济做出重要贡献的E-B5区域中心计划，并不会造成重大冲击，另一方面，川普要求增加美国国内制造业机会、广泛推进基础设施的执政纲领，也为未来更多优质E-B5项目带来机会。
现行EB-5区域中心计划再次捆绑美国政府拨款项目持续决议案延至2017年4月28日。对于此次法案调整，目前来看，涨价、TEA定义变更、签证分配等“高门槛”条款仍是主要方向。
接下来的几个月无疑是投资者免于政策变更风险，成功移民美国的绝佳时机，建议投资人尽早递交申请，锁住项目最后名额，欢迎拨打400-690-8519进行一对一咨询！
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